CHAPTER ONE

GENERAL BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY

1.0    INTRODUCTION

According to Garvin and Mathios (1956), language performs a unifying and separate function. This term refer to the feelings of the members of a society or a social group that they are united and identified with others who speak the same language and that they contrast with or are separated from those who do not.

Language from another perspective is a system of signals including voice sounds, gesture or written symbols which encodes and decodes information(wikipedia). Language is an instrument of socialization. This includes among others greetings, political expressions and the likes (Yussuf, 2009).

1.1          HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

1.1.1 THE HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF ADIM

There is no consensus among the people of Adim as to where their Ancestors came from. Some people believe that their forefathers came from Otum Usa, while others believe that they had always lived where they find themselves today and that they did not come from anywhere else. Many elderly people accept the tradition that their origin is located around the area known as Otum Usa settlement in Ebom-Ebijiakara, the eastern bank of the Cross River in the present Abi Local Government Area and that their ancestors dispersed from the region and first settled in Orum-Ugom along old Abredang Road.

1.1.2 MIGRATION AND PATTERN OF SETTLEMENT

The community which came to be known as Adim in Biase Local Government Area consists of five desperate groups. Those claiming that their origin is from Isobo Area, those claiming origin from Old Otum Usa settlement and those who believe that the people of Adim migrated from the Calabar Estuary (Eyong, 2005).

1.1.2.1       ISOBO AREA ORIGIN

The tradition from Agwagwune avers that some Adim people were originally Igbos in the present Abi Local Government Area who came from Isobo area. This source further claim that the ancestors of these people were driven out of their original home by a more powerful group and this development sent this inhabitant on a process of migration. In this process, the Adim people came in contact with the Agwagwune during the headship of Onun Eo Oti. Arising from generosity of this leader, the Adim people were given a place of land to settle on.

The source further disclosed that on settling in this present location, the Agwagwune people gave them a name ‘Adimi mo Abba’, which literarily translates as ‘people pressed to the ground’. This name was given to them because of their defeat in a battle in their former settlement at Isobo.

However, this tradition is still far from being true.

1.1.2.2                 OTUM-USA ORIGIN

My informant, Chief Eni Eko claimed that Adim migrated from a place called Otum-Usa meaning old settlements. Otum-Usa in Adim dialect is referred to as Orum Inuk. It was situated between Usumulong and former settlement of Ebom Ebijiakara both in Bahumono clan in the present Abi Local Government Area.

The informant asserted that a Bahumono man killed one Adim woman and the people of Adim wanted to retaliate. This development brought about a strained relationship between the Adim people and the Bahumono people. This situation forced the people of Adim to flee from Otum-Usa and moved in southwards direction and eventually arrived at the present site and established a small settlement. These settlements were Inuk-Ogama-Igeme, Inamoka, Arumigom, Onile-ejak, Ogwa, Orum-iton and Ogwe.

Some other people believed that the eruption of a fight following the murder of an Adim woman was not the reason for their migration from Bahumono area, rather, they attributed the cause of their fight to the struggle to acquire more lands and more fishing ponds. Yet others claimed that apart from this petty quarrelling and fighting, other likely cause of their movement was on grounds of famine and epidemic. Since the people were always fighting, less emphasis was placed on agriculture, leading to famine which was consistently epidemic.

Another major proponent of this view is Dr. Ajah Ekpeni Obia who asserted that the name Adim was a corrupt form, colonial coinage of Arum, original tongue and shortened form of ‘Arumerume’. He claimed that the people called Arumerume comprise of five distinct groups of families or clans sharing a common history of tribe, migration and unification. These ancestral families were Arum. Different from the whole community which came to bear the same name(Eyong, 2005).

Evidence also pointed to the fact that in the cause of migration of the semi-bantu (Ekoi) people up the Cross River Estuary, these families of Arumerume first settled in a place called Otum-Usa in the present Abi Local Government Area. Otum Usa was located on a highland situated to the eastern bank of Cross River and sandwiched between Usumutong and former Ebom-Ejiakark homeland. He argued further that the desire to search for fertile plains that could support agriculture propelled the people to migrate down hill and southeast towards the present settlement of Adim.

According to Dr. Obia, the family of Arum led by Onun Echu Otala Ogbuenyi duba first settled in a place called Orum-Ugom. This group or family had its own unique cultural and leadership structures. Originally, there were about eleven households or villages that form Arum clan. Amongst the renowned societies and deities of this ancient clan were Abu-Ukpan, Oduba and Iyase. This was the largest and strongest economically and militarily. That was why its name gradually became the common identity for the emergent union.

He opined that other four groups or families migrated later, after being assured of the habitable land by the pioneer group. The Emomolo group led by Onun Owor Ewelu settled at Onoli-Ejak and so on.

Another tradition explains that the people of Adim are the Ekoi tribe which migrate from Cameroun during the great Exodus of 15th century AD. They had come along with Umon Island on the Cross River. The source further disclosed that as a result of the incessant invasion by the neighbouring villages like Agwagwune, Ablep, Ugep and Abini, the people of Adim resolved to unite in order to face their enemies and to guard against total extermination. One of such invasion was the combined attack of Ugep people from the north and Agwagwune.

FIGURE 1.0

(The history and development of Adim”, Raphael o. Eyong , 2005)

1.1.2.3                 CALABAR ESTUARY ORIGIN

An informant asserts that Adim people first settled in Abakpa or qua area of Calabar. That war and the search for food and new homes caused them to migrate with Umon people by canoe, up the cross river. First, they settled with Umon people at Umon Island on the Cross River. They left the Island for two main reasons:

a)       The Island could no longer accommodate the growing population and

b)      The war between Umon and the Efiks over trade monopoly in the upper region of the cross river.

This assertion was confirmed by MR. DONALD M. McFarland in his book, Calabar, The Church of Scotland Mission 1846-1946, London, p,45.

In 1846, the Mission Company had watched King Eyamba set out on an expedition to carry war into the Umon country. An albino was sacrificed to the river god to ensure success. This expedition really scattered many units of people who formerly occupied the island. My informant, Mr. Ben Ikwa argued in favour of his tradition. According to him, when the people of Adim came up to cross river, they settled with the people of Ikun and Etono in Ubaghara clan, west of the cross river. They later crossed the river to the eastern side and came to the present site of Orum-Ugom (Agwagwune). They saw that there were no inhabitants in Orum-Ugom, but the area was very marshy in the interior. They found the Orum-Iton, an area full of raffia palms in the course of time. That is the present location of Adim which was called ‘Akana’, meaning no dispute. This is to say that there was no unit opposed the idea of the formation of the united force against their enemies. Later the name was changed to Arum Igiliga. The name was likened to a life stick called Egiliga singular to Igiliga. Egiliga’s symbolism is likened to it’s thorny back which makes it difficult to carry or easily handled.

It is on record that the site chosen had some basic characteristics which attracted the people; as it was a hill which made it militarily strategic and had water within a radius of one kilometre. The union was indeed a federation with each federating unit or clan retaining as much of her unique cultural trait and institutions as possible.

1.3    SOCIO-CULTURAL PROFILE

1.3.1           MARRIAGE INSTITUTION

In Adim, the concept of marriage is well institutionalized as a social affair. In those days, parents made choices of whom their sons or daughters should marry. They may have contracted this since childhood of the would-be partners. The first approach is for the parents of the boy to present some token coconut, a bunch of indigo and a piece of cloth not more than one yard to the parent of the girl. The girl will then be betrothed to the boy. The presentation will be done during the new yam festival. They may or not have reached school age when the contact was made on their behalf. Both boy and girl grow up with this but if the proposed partners had a violent objection to the union, it will be possible to break off the agreement.

Another tradition discloses that when a boy saw himself fit to enter into marriage contract, he had to tell his father who would guide him into choice making. If the girl he intended to seek her hand in marriage was approved by the father and mother, then the father had to go with him to his would-be father in-law with a keg of fresh palm wine for the traditional asking ceremony. If this wine was accepted, he will be expected to start sleeping in his in-law’s house but not allowed to sleep on the same bed with the girl.

1.3.2           AGE GRADE SYSTEM IN ADIM

The institution of age grade (Egop) played a very important role. It consists of persons born with approximately three years of one another. It is said to be a social group based on grade. Age grade is the advancement of boys and girls to adult status by ritual equivalent to confirmation where those initiated at the same time constitute a definite company. Hence, every man or woman belongs to an age grade. Basically, there used to be four male age grades named after the four days in one native week of Ekes, Ibums, Igbegbets and Ikpos in Adim. As members, (new initiates) of a junior age grade rose in rank, they passed through many stages like Egop Ewala, Egop Otu until they are finally initiated into an age grade proper.

The importance of age grade cannot be overemphasized. The social aspects of the village life depended entirely on the age grade. For instance, they were responsible for discharging such social services as clearing of bush paths, collecting community levies, guarding the community at both day and night against external attacks, some aspects of administrative duties and other related social services.

1.3.3           THE ECONOMY

The standard living of any community is a reflection of their economy based on the management of the variety of their resources. Although, most men and women were engaged in farming, there was a marked division in the type of work they performed. Men did most of the cleanings. They cleared the bush and other sundry activities that go with farm cultivation.

Apart from farming, the people practised other economic activities like hunting, fishing, trapping of animals; small scale animal husbandry and livestock keeping of goats, pigs, etc. Fowls were also raised to supply eggs and chicken.

The local crafts practised in Adim were carving, smithing and weaving. Carving and smithing were mainly the occupation of men while women specialized in weaving industry.

1.3.4           BELIEVE PATTERN

The people of Adim believe in the existence of a supreme being called Obasi-golok Ekpeyong. The believe in the continuity of life and a community of interest between the living and the dead and the generation yet unborn was fundamental to the religious life of people of Adim

The belief of the people in life after death was portrayed in the system of burying the traditional head (Onum) and titled men in the society. On the death of Onum or any titled man in the society, some of the properties (including his matchet, snuff box, sleeping mat, etc.) will be buried along with him. Human heads, particularly those of slaves or strangers were buried alongside with the dead man. The significance of this practice lies in the belief that the dead would make use of these items buried along with him in the world to come. The people also believe in the existence of many gods of inferior dignity compared to the supreme deity. Some lineages or compounds possess their own gods in the form of a stone or tree. In these compounds especially Onun-eko, Onunegor, Igbase, Ete-Inyangbe, Ekpet and Etigale usually make sacrifices of goat, fowl and yam to these lesser deities from time to time.

In the process of sacrificial offerings, prayers for good tidings such as bountiful harvest, long life and increased population were made. The smaller gods were regarded as subjects of the chief deity and were seen as mediators between the chief deity and mankind. The people believe that they could communicate with the Supreme Being by offering sacrifices to the smaller gods who were clearly visible to them. The spirits of the ancestors were usually invoked by the pouring of liberation. In the process, prayers and thanks are offered to the ancestors calling on them to convert their message and demands to the Almighty God (the Supreme Being).

FIGURE 1.1

(The history and development of Adim, Raphael o. Eyong)

1.3.5 TYPES OF CURRENCIES USED IN ADIM UP TO EARLY 20TH CENTURY.

The use of copper rod as a medium of exchange was less cumbersome and more convenient than the barter system.

Another type of currency that was widely used not only in Adim but Biase area in the Nineteenth century was Manilla currency. In Adim, the manilla was called ’Okpogo’. It was believed that the Ibibio traders, possibly from Itu, introduced the Manilla currency in Biase area. Manilla was whitesh in colour and the standard size of a Manilla was about 15cm. Eighty Manillas was equivalent to one pound.

Other Manillas in circulation included the snake Manilla weighing (5 ½) and the king Manilla weighed (6lbs). Four Manilas were equivalent to one Shilling. In the colonial years of the 20th century, the colonial masters began to regard these different currencies as anachronistic, inefficient and cumbersome in nature. Consequent upon this, in 1897, Sir Ralph Moor, who was in charge of the protectorate of southern Nigeria between 1896 and 1903, saw the problem associated with these currencies in counting and carrying such currencies about. About 30 Shillings worth of Manilas is a load for one person. For these reasons, he strongly believed that the continuous use of these currencies would retard the expansion of trade in southern Nigeria and Biase area. He therefore perceived the necessity for handy and easily managed currency and was determined to change the existing currencies as quickly as possible (Eyong, 2005).

After several attempts and opposition, Moor finally introduced a coinage type of currency and so on 1st December 1902, the native currency (Copper and Brass rods) was abolished from circulation. The popularization of a coin currency took a native step forward. With the instruction of Penny and a tenth of Penny pieces in 1908.

Some of these currencies were one white Shilling with a person’s head inscribe on the coin and the white penny with a hole in the middle. After some time, a brown Shilling was introduced. On the one side of the brown shilling was inscribed the effigy of George VI of England, wearing a crown on his head. On the other side were inscribed a palm tree, the figure 1947 and the words, ‘British West Africa’, Twelve penny made a shilling. These currencies were used until the Pounds, Shillings and Pence (£: s: d) came into circulation in Biase in about 1950.

FIGURE 1.2

(The history and development of Adim, Raphael o. Eyong)

HERE ARE SOME OTHER PICTURES RELATED TO THE CULTURAL LIFE OF THE PEOPLE OF ADIM

FIGURE 1.3

(The history and development of Adim, Raphael o. Eyong)

FIGURE 1.4

(The history and development of Adim, Raphael o. Eyong)

FIGURE 1.5

(The history and development of Adim, Raphael o. Eyong)

FIGURE 1.6

(The history and development of Adim, Raphael o. Eyong)

1.4              PHYLO-GENETIC BACKGROUND

Phylo-genetic classification is one of the major area of comparative or historical linguistics.

According to Heine and Nurse (2005:25), genetic or phylo-genetic classification involve putting together related languages into families or language groups that can be presumed to have derived historically from a common ancestors.

The Cross River or Delta-Cross languages are a branch of the Benue-Congo language family in south-easternmost Nigeria posited by Joseph Greenberg. It is one of the few of his branches of Niger-Congo that has withstood the test of time.

The original name was Cross River. The Bendi languages were soon seen to be aberrant, and the other branches united under the term Delta-Cross. However, the inclusion of Bendi is doubtful, and it has been tentatively reassigned to the Bantoid family, making the two terms Cross River and Delta-Cross synonymous.

There are four clusters of languages in Delta Cross:

·                     Central Delta, 8 languages, the most populous being Ogbia   with 100 000 speakers

·                     the 5 Ogoni languages, with Ogoni proper (Khana) having    200 000 speakers

·                     Upper Cross River, 22 languages, the most populous being            Lokaa with 120 000 speakers

·                     Lower Cross River, 23 languages, including Ibibio-Efik (3½            million)

·         The internal structure per Cornell (1994), reproduced in Williamson and Blench (2000), is as follows:

Cross River

Upper Cross

Central

North–South

Oring (Koring), Kukele, (Kohumono, Agwagwune, Umon), Ubaghara

 

East–West

Ikom, Lokaa, Mbembe, Legbo, etc.

 

Ukpet-Ehom

 

Agoi, Doko, Iyongiyong

 

Kiong, Korop

 

Lower Cross

 

Iko, Ibino, Ibibio (a dialect cluster), Oro, Okobo, Ebughu, Ilue, Enwang-Uda, Usaghade

 

Obolo

 

Ogoni

 

East

 

West

 

Central Delta

 

Abuan, Odual

 

Kugbo, Ogbia, etc.

 

1.5              GENETIC CLASSIFICATION

Cross River

Cross River languages are spoken primarily in Akwa Ibom, Cross River and Rivers State. There are about 60 languages classified in two sub-groups: Bendi and Delta-Cross. The largest members are Ibibio, Efik, and Anaang.

The following classification of the Cross River languages is taken from Crozier and Blench (1992):

a. Bendi   i) Bekwarra ii). Bete-Bendi iii). Obanliku cluster (incl. Basang, Bebi, Bishiri, Bisu, and Busi) iv). Ukpe-Bayobiri v). Ubang vi). Alege vii). Obe cluster (incl. Obe, Afrike, Utugwang, Okworogung, and Okworotung) viii). Bumaji ix). Bokyi

b. Delta-Cross   i). Central Delta a) Abua, Odual b) Kugbo, Mini, Kolo cluster (incl. Kolo, Oloib,.iri, and Anyama), Ogbronuagum, Obulom, Ogbogolo ii). Ogoni a) Eleme, Ban b) Kana, Gokana iii). Lower Cross a) Central:Anaang, Efai, Efik, Ekit, Etebi, Ibibio, Ibuoro, Itu Mon Uzo, Nkari Ukwa b) Ebughu c) Enwang, Uda d)Ibino e) Iko f) Ilue g) Obolo h)Okobo i) Oro j) Usakade (in Cameroon) iv). Upper Cross group a). Central: i). North-South a) Oring cluster (incl. Ufia, Ufiom, and Okpoto), Kukele, Uzekwe b)Ubaghara cluster (incl. Biakpan, Ikun, Etono, Ugbem, and Utuma) Kohumono Agwagwune cluster (also incl. Erei, Abini, Adim, Abayongo, and Etono II) Umon ii).East-West a) Olulumo-Ikom b) Lokaa, Nkukoli, Lubila c) Mbembe, Legbo, Leyigha, Lenyima d). Ukpet-Ehom e). Agoi, Doko-Uyanga, Bakpinka f). Kiong, Korop, Odut

(ENCARTA SEARCH ENGINE. 2009)

(Dr. Uwe Seibert,Department of Languages and Linguistics Faculty of Arts University of Jos)

KHOISAN

 

AFRO-ASIATIC

 

NILO-SAHARAN

 

NIGER-KORDOFANIAN

 

African languages

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CHAPTER ONE

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

1.1              Introduction

The chapter introduces us to the general background, historical background, socio-cultural profile and genetic classification of the Gùngáwá people. It also includes the scope and organization of study, theoretical framework, data analysis and a review of the chosen framework.

1.2              General Background

Introduction to the History of Gùngáwá People and Language.

Gùngáwá is an adopted name for the Bàrèshe people by their Hausa neighbors which means Island dwellers because of their nearest to rivers and lakes.

The people call themselves Bàrèshe, Tsureja or Yáúráwa but officially called Gùngáwá. The names of the language are Gùngáwá, Gùngácí.

The Gùngáwá people are mostly found in Northern part of Kebbi State, and around Islands in extreme Sokoto State few of them were also in Niger State especially Kontangora area and Borgu Local Government Area and a recent funding in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State.

1.3              Historical Background

The tribe Gùngáwá or Bàrèshe can be found in the Northern part of Nigeria in Southern Kebbi State (Yàúrí Local Government) few of them are also in Borgu Local Government Area and North of Borgu in Niger State.

The Gùngáwá are mostly concentrated in Kebbi State in Yàúrí Local Government. The Gùngáwá people are the original inhabitants of Yàúrí according to Muazu Bagudu a native of the town.

A source had that the Gùngáwá were decendents of  17th century warrior called Kisira or Kachin who allied himself with the Hausa Soldiers to gain territory in the extreme North who eventually settled with his co-fighters in present Yàúrí town.

Another source told us of their trace to a songay warrior who came from Mali to seek territorial control and their eventual settlement (with his supporters) in Yàúrí and parts of Lopa and Laru (Gùngáwá neighboring areas).

According to Apollos Aagamalafiya, a native of Gùngáwá from Rèkúbọlọ area in Yàúrí belief that the Gùngáwá people came from Kabuwa that they are hunters from Katsina State.

He (Apollos) explained further that some say they are from Shagana, Kambari, Kabbawa or Sarkawa. These are mixed up tribes that constitute the Yàúrí emirate.

As regard this histories, the actual place of origin is not clear, and it remain debatable among Gùngáwá people. Although, the Gùnganci language is closely related with that of the Lopa and Laru people in term of lexical items and Noun Affixes. No matter how related these people might be with the Gùngáwá tribe; however, they (Gùngáwá) still remain divergent in historical root.

Present Gùngáwá People

As explained ealier, the Gùngáwá are the original inhabitants of Yàúrí. They fled to the nearby Island of the Niger State in the mid 19 century and eventually return to a new site called Yelwa or Gungu in Yàúri.

During the British regime, the status of Yauri as an emirate and of Yelwa as the seat of the Emir of Yàúrí were confirmed (Hogben 1966: 259), both Yàúrí and Yelwa have become hausarized as a result of contact with Hausa People (especially through marriage).

The British create an emirate because of the multi ethnic groups in Yàúrí however; the Gungu district of Yàúrí Local Government is now the centre of the Gùngáwá population.

The Gùngáwá live in Islets and shores of the Niger above Busa until the creation of lake Kainji in 1974 which disrupt their settlement and living outside Illo and Shabanda in Kebbi State.

Population of Gùngáwá People

The Gùngáwá people were about 40 to 60 thousand in population about 60% lives in Yàúrí in Kebbi State, 35% lives outside Yàúrí town, 9% in Kontogora, North of Busa and Borgu Local Government and 1% in Kaima area in Kwara State. The population of the speakers in Yàúrí is referred to as Yàúrawá or Reshewa’.

According to Apollos, Queen Amina of Zaria called them Yàúrawá but generally they are called Gùngáwá.

Among the Gùngáwá in diaspora, they sometimes call themselves Bárèshe (plural) or Úrèshe (singular).

Those that live in the riverside fields were onions, and for their canoe building and fishing along the Niger are called Sórko or Sórókó. They may be related to the Bozo of Mali, a western Mande group who are professional fishermen.

However, Sórókó is now a name used to designate professional fishermen on the Niger river.

1.4       Socio-cultural Profile of the Gùngáwá People

The Gùngáwá has a social and cultural background that is unique and typical of an African values especially in the area of marriage, profession and communal work.

Also, the Gùngáwá wrestling performed in the central plain ground at Yelwa district did not only attract the peoples and passersby alone but an avenue for tourism.

Also, they make their way of live so simple according to Muazu but very similar to the Hausas, their lifestyle is centered on the Emirate system.

At this junction, the socio-cultural background of the Gùngáwá people shall include their social, cultural, and political system it will also include their profession or occupation, marriage, naming, clothing, foods, festival, religions, burial ceremony.

The sociolinguistic aspect shall include language use and attitude, language shift and the status of the language ( Gúngáncí ).

Sociol Life

The Gùngáwá lives a life similar to the Hausa as a result of long time contact, only in the aspect of occupation they differ.

The Gùngáwá wear loose rope and relax with friends communal work is peculiar among them on their farms. They create a round seat when eating especially at leisure joints or during festival celebration, naming, wedding or sallah.

Their market is a social avenue where idle chatting and trading activities take place. They are grounds for making friends and dating according to Muazu Bagudu.

The markets are exhibition centre where mats, canoes, and fish caught were display for prospective buyers. They are craftman according to Muazu.

Culture

The Gùngáwá people are highly cultural people this reflects in their greetings, clothing, profession and boldly adornment, like heavy tribal marks on the women face and leg tatooing during wedding ceremony. However, the following are aspects of their cultural life.

Occupation

The Gùngáwá people are mostly farmers, their chief crops include guinea corn, beans, onions, they are also fishermen who use suru and Hauwuya to catch fish. They are subsistence farmers (they eat most of their farm produce), they make canoes and mat.

Marriage

Marriage is a bit complex. The boy seas a lady and inform his own parent about the lady. The boy’s parent inform the lady’s parent of their son interests in their daughter, before consent is given, the boy must inform his in-law to be before final consent is given.

However, the farming duration is not specified. After the farming period is over, the in-law formally notify their relatives of their daughter relationship with the boy and it became an awareness to other who may further show interest on the lady, later the wedding day is chosen.

The marriage and engagement is based on Islamic rites. The bride price (Zadaki) according to Muazu Bagudu is paid which is the guinea corn.

The marriage ceremony is fun and full of merry making. Guinea corn  palp is served in the morning,rice with fish soup and Bùrùkùtù (local gin) at dusk. They normally seat round eating, the Gùngáwá people also intermarry with the Hausas. It was initially a one man one wife, but now they can marry more than two wives.

Naming

A child is born and named after seven days his hair is shaved and 10 years later the child is circumcised. corn food or rice food are served during the naming ceremony.

Clothing

The Gùngáwá people wears animal skin in the olden days but now Babanriga is their traditional dress for the men while loose covered clothing with local embroidery and scarf or Hijab for women is tie around their body to wade off the sun.

Heavy tribal marks are characterized by the Gùngáwá women who occupy almost their face.

Foods

The Gùngáwá like Guinea corn palp. It is their food, almost all of them prefer eating it (Guinea corn foods) than selling it in the market. Guinea corn palp is served in occasions like wedding, naming and festival period.

Also bùrùkùtù (local gin) is their favourite drink served at their leisure or relaxation time.

Festivals

They celebrates the Idembe festival (Millet festival) and Anipo festival. During the festival animal blood like goat or bush meat are sacrifice to their high god called ‘Ujigo’ – god of thunder.

Religions

Most of the Gúngáncí speakers are Muslims about 70% are Muslim, 30% traditional and less than 1% are Christian.

Burial Practice

Corpse are laid bare naked into the ground both youth and old. They are covered with leaves like other tribes do.

Aged people are celebrated and young people are mourned sudden or unusual deaths are investigated, an oracle is consulted for the cause of the death. The killer is killed by the deceased spirit. Oracle Consulted is Újígó. This practice is peculiar with old indigenous Gúngáwá people.

Political System and Administration

They adopted the emirate system like the Hausas because Yàúrí is a multiethnic area consisting of Lopa, Laru, Gùngáwá, Yàúrí Kambari, Dukkanchi peoples that coexist with them.

The palace of the Emir is in Yelwa (The Gùngáwá   are the first settlers in Yàúrí). The British colonization gave the recognition of Yàúrí Emirate and Gungu (Island) district of Yàúrí Local Government is now the centre of Gùngáwá population.

Succession is not by heredity, the Emir is appointed (although, the first Emir of Yàúrí is Gùngáwá).

The Emir to be must be elderly, famous and respected among the ethnic groups that made up Yàúrí and turbaning is done for the new Emir with celebration and plenty búrúkútú.

The Emir rules the territory with local chiefs called “Sariki” in areas like Toro, Banha, Zamari, Rekubolo, Jalabubu, Gungunsariki etc.

However, Local Government Chairman has been holding the executive function of the Yàúrí area now and other Governmental works are executed by the Kebbi State Government.

Most Gùngáwá people are bilingual in  Gúngáncí  and Hausa but majority speaks Hausa (especially the Youths) at home only the few old people at home speaks  Gúngáncí  living the status of the language to be endangered.

The language of the emirate is Hausa with high prestige.

Language Use

1.         Youth use Hausa rather than  Gúngáncí .

2.         Educated people prefer Hausa to  Gúngáncí .

3.         Muslim clerics encourage the use of Hausa than  Gúngáncí .

4.         Parent do not use  Gúngáncí  more frequent as before so children    pick Hausa      than  Gúngáncí .

5.         Peer group use more Hausa in their conversation discussions, marketing etc.

Language Attitude

Before we left the people, many of them consider a change of attitude many are encouraged and started using their language to their children many are asking for literacy books and classes for their villages, most of the Youths are happy to be called Báràshe unlike before and hoping start a literacy classes if books are provided.

1.5       Genetic Classification of  Gúngáncí  Language

Gúngáncí belongs to the Niger Congo language family which is a constituent of the Niger Kordofinia phylum. It also consists of a single group of two languages.

These are shown on the tree diagram below:

AFRO ASIATIC       NIGER KORDOFINIA       NILOSAHARAN      KHOISAN

Genetic Classification of  Gúngáncí  language based on Ross Jones Classification (1992)

1.6       Scope and Organization of Study

This research work is organized into five chapters. It is an attempt to describe the morphological aspect of  Gúngáncí  language.

Chapter one consist of the general background of the  Gúngáncí  speakers, historical background, socio-cultural background, genetic classification, scope and organization of study, theoretical framework, data collection, data analysis, and brief review of the chosen frame work.

Chapter two presents basic phonological and morphological concepts of Gúngáncí. That is, morphology, morphemes types of morphemes, language typologies, structural position of morpheme etc.

Chapter three centers on the morphology of Gúngáncí language.

Chapter four centres on morphological processes or word formation processes in Gúngáncí language.

Chapter five will include summary, conclusion and references.

1.7       Theoretical Framework

The theoretical framework that will be employ is morphology; and morpheme as the unit for analyzing the internal structure of words in the language.

The morphological processes will be discussed. Basically in this work, the discussion will be restricted to the morphological aspect of  Gúngáncí  and the focus of the study is the  Gúngáncí  language spoken in Kebbi State.

1.8       Data Collection and Data Analysis

Our means of data collection in the work was through Ibadan 400 word list of basic lexical items and the use of frame techniques.

The assistance of a language helpers or informants was sought and these made our data collection less difficult.

The method of data collection was contact method or informant method. The informants are multi-lingual as they speak Gúngáncí language fluently and also Hausa, English, Pidgin English, Gwandu.

The Ibadan 400 word list of basic lexical items and some basic frame technique were use to elicit information from our informants and their responses were tape recorded and transcribed.

Below are some data on my informants.

INFORMANT ONE

Name:                          Muazu Bagudu

Occupation:                 Soldier

Age:                            24

Sex:                             Male

Years spent in Home Town:   23 years

INFORMANT TWO

Name:                          Nasiru Ibrahim

Occupation:                 Driving

Age:                            29

Sex:                             Male

Years spent in Home Town:   26 years

1.9       Brief Review of the Chosen Framework

There are various frameworks to the study of morphology as proposed by different scholars because different language has different morphological analysis. These known morphological analysis will be employed to break down words into meaningful segments and those that will be suitable for this long essay will be as follows.

Morpheme Based Morphology

This is also known as item and arrangement (Hockett 1954), that is, word forms are arranged morpheme by morpheme. It is also deal with other of structures and how to break work down into their components.

Lexeme Based Morphology

This is also known as item and process (Bloomfield 1933) it means instead of analyzing a word form as a set morpheme arranged in sequence, a word form is said to be the result of applying rules that alter a word form or stem in order to produce a new one, for example an inflectional rule that change word category (derivational rule).

Analysis and Synthesis

This also has to do with breaking words down especially for language linguist has never encountered nor having a written form.

The synthesis approach is associated with the theory than methodology, that is, theory of construction.

Therefore, by this analytic approach its principles shall be employed known as principles of morphemic identification.CHAPTER ONE

GENERAL INTRODUCTION

1.1              Introduction

The chapter introduces us to the general background, historical background, socio-cultural profile and genetic classification of the Gùngáwá people. It also includes the scope and organization of study, theoretical framework, data analysis and a review of the chosen framework.

1.2              General Background

Introduction to the History of Gùngáwá People and Language.

Gùngáwá is an adopted name for the Bàrèshe people by their Hausa neighbors which means Island dwellers because of their nearest to rivers and lakes.

The people call themselves Bàrèshe, Tsureja or Yáúráwa but officially called Gùngáwá. The names of the language are Gùngáwá, Gùngácí.

The Gùngáwá people are mostly found in Northern part of Kebbi State, and around Islands in extreme Sokoto State few of them were also in Niger State especially Kontangora area and Borgu Local Government Area and a recent funding in Kaiama Local Government Area of Kwara State.

1.3              Historical Background

The tribe Gùngáwá or Bàrèshe can be found in the Northern part of Nigeria in Southern Kebbi State (Yàúrí Local Government) few of them are also in Borgu Local Government Area and North of Borgu in Niger State.

The Gùngáwá are mostly concentrated in Kebbi State in Yàúrí Local Government. The Gùngáwá people are the original inhabitants of Yàúrí according to Muazu Bagudu a native of the town.

A source had that the Gùngáwá were decendents of  17th century warrior called Kisira or Kachin who allied himself with the Hausa Soldiers to gain territory in the extreme North who eventually settled with his co-fighters in present Yàúrí town.

Another source told us of their trace to a songay warrior who came from Mali to seek territorial control and their eventual settlement (with his supporters) in Yàúrí and parts of Lopa and Laru (Gùngáwá neighboring areas).

According to Apollos Aagamalafiya, a native of Gùngáwá from Rèkúbọlọ area in Yàúrí belief that the Gùngáwá people came from Kabuwa that they are hunters from Katsina State.

He (Apollos) explained further that some say they are from Shagana, Kambari, Kabbawa or Sarkawa. These are mixed up tribes that constitute the Yàúrí emirate.

As regard this histories, the actual place of origin is not clear, and it remain debatable among Gùngáwá people. Although, the Gùnganci language is closely related with that of the Lopa and Laru people in term of lexical items and Noun Affixes. No matter how related these people might be with the Gùngáwá tribe; however, they (Gùngáwá) still remain divergent in historical root.

Present Gùngáwá People

As explained ealier, the Gùngáwá are the original inhabitants of Yàúrí. They fled to the nearby Island of the Niger State in the mid 19 century and eventually return to a new site called Yelwa or Gungu in Yàúri.

During the British regime, the status of Yauri as an emirate and of Yelwa as the seat of the Emir of Yàúrí were confirmed (Hogben 1966: 259), both Yàúrí and Yelwa have become hausarized as a result of contact with Hausa People (especially through marriage).

The British create an emirate because of the multi ethnic groups in Yàúrí however; the Gungu district of Yàúrí Local Government is now the centre of the Gùngáwá population.

The Gùngáwá live in Islets and shores of the Niger above Busa until the creation of lake Kainji in 1974 which disrupt their settlement and living outside Illo and Shabanda in Kebbi State.

Population of Gùngáwá People

The Gùngáwá people were about 40 to 60 thousand in population about 60% lives in Yàúrí in Kebbi State, 35% lives outside Yàúrí town, 9% in Kontogora, North of Busa and Borgu Local Government and 1% in Kaima area in Kwara State. The population of the speakers in Yàúrí is referred to as Yàúrawá or Reshewa’.

According to Apollos, Queen Amina of Zaria called them Yàúrawá but generally they are called Gùngáwá.

Among the Gùngáwá in diaspora, they sometimes call themselves Bárèshe (plural) or Úrèshe (singular).

Those that live in the riverside fields were onions, and for their canoe building and fishing along the Niger are called Sórko or Sórókó. They may be related to the Bozo of Mali, a western Mande group who are professional fishermen.

However, Sórókó is now a name used to designate professional fishermen on the Niger river.

1.4       Socio-cultural Profile of the Gùngáwá People

The Gùngáwá has a social and cultural background that is unique and typical of an African values especially in the area of marriage, profession and communal work.

Also, the Gùngáwá wrestling performed in the central plain ground at Yelwa district did not only attract the peoples and passersby alone but an avenue for tourism.

Also, they make their way of live so simple according to Muazu but very similar to the Hausas, their lifestyle is centered on the Emirate system.

At this junction, the socio-cultural background of the Gùngáwá people shall include their social, cultural, and political system it will also include their profession or occupation, marriage, naming, clothing, foods, festival, religions, burial ceremony.

The sociolinguistic aspect shall include language use and attitude, language shift and the status of the language ( Gúngáncí ).

Sociol Life

The Gùngáwá lives a life similar to the Hausa as a result of long time contact, only in the aspect of occupation they differ.

The Gùngáwá wear loose rope and relax with friends communal work is peculiar among them on their farms. They create a round seat when eating especially at leisure joints or during festival celebration, naming, wedding or sallah.

Their market is a social avenue where idle chatting and trading activities take place. They are grounds for making friends and dating according to Muazu Bagudu.

The markets are exhibition centre where mats, canoes, and fish caught were display for prospective buyers. They are craftman according to Muazu.

Culture

The Gùngáwá people are highly cultural people this reflects in their greetings, clothing, profession and boldly adornment, like heavy tribal marks on the women face and leg tatooing during wedding ceremony. However, the following are aspects of their cultural life.

Occupation

The Gùngáwá people are mostly farmers, their chief crops include guinea corn, beans, onions, they are also fishermen who use suru and Hauwuya to catch fish. They are subsistence farmers (they eat most of their farm produce), they make canoes and mat.

Marriage

Marriage is a bit complex. The boy seas a lady and inform his own parent about the lady. The boy’s parent inform the lady’s parent of their son interests in their daughter, before consent is given, the boy must inform his in-law to be before final consent is given.

However, the farming duration is not specified. After the farming period is over, the in-law formally notify their relatives of their daughter relationship with the boy and it became an awareness to other who may further show interest on the lady, later the wedding day is chosen.

The marriage and engagement is based on Islamic rites. The bride price (Zadaki) according to Muazu Bagudu is paid which is the guinea corn.

The marriage ceremony is fun and full of merry making. Guinea corn  palp is served in the morning,rice with fish soup and Bùrùkùtù (local gin) at dusk. They normally seat round eating, the Gùngáwá people also intermarry with the Hausas. It was initially a one man one wife, but now they can marry more than two wives.

Naming

A child is born and named after seven days his hair is shaved and 10 years later the child is circumcised. corn food or rice food are served during the naming ceremony.

Clothing

The Gùngáwá people wears animal skin in the olden days but now Babanriga is their traditional dress for the men while loose covered clothing with local embroidery and scarf or Hijab for women is tie around their body to wade off the sun.

Heavy tribal marks are characterized by the Gùngáwá women who occupy almost their face.

Foods

The Gùngáwá like Guinea corn palp. It is their food, almost all of them prefer eating it (Guinea corn foods) than selling it in the market. Guinea corn palp is served in occasions like wedding, naming and festival period.

Also bùrùkùtù (local gin) is their favourite drink served at their leisure or relaxation time.

Festivals

They celebrates the Idembe festival (Millet festival) and Anipo festival. During the festival animal blood like goat or bush meat are sacrifice to their high god called ‘Ujigo’ – god of thunder.

Religions

Most of the Gúngáncí speakers are Muslims about 70% are Muslim, 30% traditional and less than 1% are Christian.

Burial Practice

Corpse are laid bare naked into the ground both youth and old. They are covered with leaves like other tribes do.

Aged people are celebrated and young people are mourned sudden or unusual deaths are investigated, an oracle is consulted for the cause of the death. The killer is killed by the deceased spirit. Oracle Consulted is Újígó. This practice…

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CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

1.0General Background

This research work focuses on the phonology of Adim language spoken in Akankpa Local Government Area of Cross-river State, Nigeria. Adim lies in the Northern part of the forest belt of Southern Nigeria. Adim shares boundary with Ugep in the North and Idomi in the east, both in Yakkur Local Government Area.

Adim is the official name of the language and the native speakers also call themselves Adim. Another name for Adim language is Orun or Arun. Adim speakers are widely spread across the other areas with Cross-river State of Nigeria such as Calabar, Ekoni, Yakhur and Idomi. In this chapter will be focusing on the historical background,socio-cultural profile, scope and organization of the study, theoretical framework and the genetic classification of Adim language.

1.1               Historical Background

According to oral tradition as related by my informants, the Adim people migrated from a village called Edem Omere Akapa as a result of war and threat from the neighboring  village. The first place the Adim people settled after migrating from Edem Omere Akapa was Idomi, an area confronted with hills, some left while others stayed back. The second place they settled after Idomi was Ugep, some spread to Adim while some were found in Ekoni. All of these places are in the present Cross-river State.

The Adim people were together until the advent of the British Colonial masters who came to introduce them to western education that then opened the gate for civilization. The Adim people share many things in common with some other tribes around them, such as the Yakkur, Abi, Idómi, and Ekoni.

1.2               Socio-cultural profile

According to Yule (1975:239), “Sociolinguistics is the interrelationship between language and society”. It studies how society influences the use of language.In his own definition, Olaoye (2002:98) states that, “Sociolinguistics deals with the study various social, political, cultural, and linguistic situationwithin a given speech community that gives how language choice and use reveal the values, cultural beliefs and practices of the community”. This shows that cultural beliefs, ways of life etc. cannot be separated from language. In other words, language and culture are inseparable.

Most Adim people including the younger generation are bilingual, using Adim locally and Efik regionally. Efik is the medium of instruction in schools, especially Primary schools, while English is learnt as a second language. The older like the younger generations are fluent in Efik. Through western education, the younger generation holds position in the administrative and public service, which in turn make them tri-lingual, using Adim, Efik and English languages. While we may refer to the younger generation as being tri-lingual we will refer to the older generation as being bilingual, we can hardly find someone who is monolingual among Adim speakers; they all communicate in at least two languages. Adim is basically used as a means of communication.

1.2.1    Dressing

The Adim people have different outfits for different special occasion. They have traditional attires that are very rich, but with the advent of modernization, they also put on modern clothes.

In the primitive age, men used animal skin to cover their private parts, while women used leaves and animal skin to cover their private parts. They used leaves to cover their private parts in front. Uniquely, they always make signs on the animal skin in order to attract young men.

1.2.2    Religion

Initially the Adim native speakers were idol worshippers before the arrival of white missionaries, who introduced Christianity to the Adim people. One of the gods they worshipped is called Obolose which means “god of the land”. The first church in Adim was built in the early 70’s as a PresbyterianChurch after which other churches such as Catholics, Assembly of God were built. In the mid 80’s Islamic religion was introduced. Presently(90%) of them are Christians while the remaining (10%) are either Muslim or Idol worshippers.

1.2.3    Occupation

The occupation of the Adim people includes farming, hunting, gold-smiting e.g palm oil production, garri making, and production of groundnut. However, their major occupation is farming.

1.2.4    Festival

Since majority of the speakers are Christians and Muslims, their festivals also go in line with the various religions they belong.Traditional festivals are gradually fading out while some had gone into extinction. There are two major types of festivals celebrated by the Adim people namely; Iwon-erok “Yam festival” and they also celebrate masquerade festival.Ètàngata and loboare the names of the few masquerades they have in Adim village.

1.2.5    Marriage

In Adim tradition, a keg of palm wine is the only item taken along when going to ask for a girl’s hand in marriage. After the decision has been made, the groom goes to pay bride price and takes along some other things such as kola nut, palm oil, yam and garri which will be given to the bride’s parent.

Before the wedding ceremony takes place, the bride would be kept in the fattening room where she will be fed with all kinds food to make her look more beautiful and attractive to her husband on the wedding day and also to make her ready for the challenges in her matrimonial home.

Polygamy is allowed in Adim village, but their major practice is monogamy.

1.2.6    Administration

Traditionally, the leader is “Obolopon”. He has absolute authority over the people and he is unquestionable. He controls the administrative aspect of the community and settles disputes. The council of eldersis called kèpol. “Ókpéibìlì” is the name of the high priest in Adim village. The secret societies that guide against external attack in Adim village are Abu secret society, Okuwa secret society and Egup secret society.

1.3   Scope and Organization of the study

This long essay aims at studying aspects of Adim phonology. The sound inventory of the language, the phonological process and tonal patterns attested in language. This research work is divided into five(5) chapters.

Chapter one provides general information on the language and its speakers. Also, the chapter contains the socio-cultural profile of the people and the genetic classification of the language under study. A brief discussion of the theoretical frame work used in the work as well the methodology adopted for data collection and analysis is included in this chapter.

Chapter two discusses the sound system of the language as well as the tonal and syllable structures. In chapter three, our attention and focus was on the tonal processes attested in the Adim language with their distributional patterns. In chapter four we discussed the phonological processes.

Chapter five summarizes and concludes the work: We also give some recommendation and observation.

1.4       Theoretical framework

The theoretical frame work used for this research is Generative Phonology as propounded and explicated in Chomsky and Halle (1968).

According to Chomsky and Halle (1968:5), “Generative phonology views speech as sequences of discrete segments which are complexes of a particular set of phonetic features and the simultaneous and sequential combination of these features and constraints”.

Generative phonology is apart of the linguistics theory which is called “Transformational Generative Grammar(TG)” formulated by Chomsky (1957) to address the inadequacies observed in classical (Taxonomic)theory of phonological description (Fisher Jorgenson (1976:174). Generative phonology gives the rule of generative phonology to express the relationship between sound and meaning. It is pertinent to point out that generative phonology accounts for some language phenomena like linguistic intuition, foreign accent, speech error and others.

Hyman (1975:19) describes generative phonology as the description of how phonological rules can be converted into phonological representation and to capture the distinctive sound in contrast in a language.

Lyons(1979:18) opines that, the rules and structures generated through generative phonology are “recursive”. Therefore, one can conclude that generative phonology explains the grammar that is structured by means of a finite number of recursive rules operating up on a finite vocabulary.

Recursiveness, according to Saheed (2003:10), “is a situation whereby we have a repetitive embedding and coordination syntactic structure in languages”.

According to Chomsky(1965:7-9) recursiveness is one of the very major achievements of generative grammar in which limited set of rules are used by the native speaker to create infinite number of sentences from a finite sentence through the rule called transformational rule.

1.5       Generative Phonology

Hyman (1915:80) says a phonological structure isan abstract phonemic representation which postulates the rules that are derived from various surface forms. It postulates the underlying forms at the systematic phonemic level from which such have systematic relationship termed “Linguistically Significant Generalization”. The structure is of three basic levels, these are, Underlying representation (PR).

1.5.1    Underlying Representation

According to Oyebade (1998:13) “underlying representation is the non-predictable, non-rule derived part of words”. It is a form with abstract representation existing in the linguistic competence of all utterances and it exists in the mental dictionary. At this level, items with variant meanings have identical representation. For instance, the different forms of negation prefix in English likeŋ-(ŋkɔrɛkt), im-(impossible), in-(intolerable), il-(illegal), ir-(irregular) have the same meaning, Oyebade (1998).

1.5.2    Phonetic Representation

Kantoszwich (1994:8) states that the phonetic level indicates “how the lexical items are to be realized in speech”. It is at the level after phonological rules have been applied to the underlying representation.

According to Hyman (1975:19), “phonetic representation represents possible pronunciation of forms in the realization of speech and the surface level”. Generative phonology considers phonetics representation as a level that is some what trivial and not worth too much attention, except, perhaps, justification of the proposed underlying representation (Oyebade 1998:21).

1.5.3    Phonological Rules

These are directives which map underling forms unto the surface forms. They show the derivational sequence or path of an item in its journey from the underlying level to the phonetic level (Oyebade1998:15).

As Hyman (1975:26) points out, they are derivational sequences of phonetic level. Phonological rules are predictablerules; examples of phonological rules are the rules that assimilate a nasal segment to the place of articulation of the following segments e.g

n → m  ─ b :[+ nas ] →    + ant                  +ant

­ cor ­ con

n → n t :[+ nas ]  →  + ant             +ant

­cor                              ­cor

n→ n         g : [ + nas ] →  + ant +ant

­ cor                    ­cor

These rules can be captured by one rule:-

[± nas ] →    α ant α ant

β cor           β cor

1.6          Distinctive   Features

Distinctive features are “sets of [articulatory and acoustic] features  sufficient to define and distinguish one from the other, the great majority of speech sounds used in the languages of the world ”(Halle and Clement 1983:6). The theory of phonological features is concerned with the discovery of generalization about the phonological behavior of phonological segment, both in isolation, in sequence or as a member of a system. There are two major criteria that potential features must meet to be admitted as distinctive features, they are:

(i)    Phonetic Specific ability

(ii) Morphophonemic relevance (Oyebade, 1998:25)

The features are used in describing all linguistic phenomena occurring in languages. Some of the features are: labial, anterior, nasal and syllabic.

1.7          Data  Collection

The data for this research work was collected through the help of language helper (informant method). The 400 wordlist of basic items was used for this exercise. We also used the frame technique. This is a template that shows different structural position which a word can occur. This goes beyond looking at words in isolation. It was used to get relevant information that cannot be gotten by means of lexical items only. Thus, it helped in making illuminating significant generalization. The information concerning the informant in this research is given below:

NAME:Mr. Edet Usánì Éyòng

ADDRESS: Sam Ethan Air force Base, Ikeja, Lagos.

RELIGON: Christianity

OCCUPATION:Air force

LANGUAGE SPOKEN: Adim

MARITAL STATUS: Married

AGE: 51 Years

YEARS LIVED IN ADIM TOWN: 20/21 Years

1.8       Data   Analysis

With the view of capturing linguistically significant generation in the language, the analysis of the corpus will be carried out by transcribing the entire linguistic corpus collected accurately in order to discover the sounds that are attested in the language in addition to some other supra-segmental features in the language. This data will be organized to bring out all inventories of the distinctive phonemes and their features.

The classification of this data can be done through parts of speech, nouns, verbs, adverbs, adjectives, prepositions, pronouns, determiners and conjunctions found in Adim language.

The distribution of the data is also determined alongside the syllable structure,tonal processes and also the phonological processes.

1.9   Genetic  Classification

. These similarities are either phonetically, phonologically, semantically or syntactically. The genetic classification of languages makes two things obvious; that language are indeed related to each other i.e they share the same ancestor and how these languages are interrelated are shown in the form of a branching diagram.

Adim language is a Cross-river language which is a Benue-Congo language family under Niger-Congo language family.Genetic classification is the grouping of languages into families based on shared similarities in their features.

NIGER -KORDOFANIAN

Niger- Congo      Kordofanian

Mande     Gur    Kwa   Adamawa   Benue CongoWest Atlantic

BantuPlateau Benue CongoCross- River  Jokonous Benue Congo

Cross River    Delta CrossUpper CrossLower Cross

έkónì          Yakkur         Idómì           Adim

Source:    Greenberg (1970:306) and Kenneth Katzner (1995: 7)

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